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Legislators tell everything! The secret Senate group comes to light

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The state Senate's Working Rules group is a little-known, internal group working to decide the fate of the many bills left standing in the week before the end of the session.

With help from Shawn Ness

THE JUICY SECRET OF THE SENATE: It has been around for decades, but some lawmakers said they had never heard of it.

The secretive nature of the state Senate’s Working Rules group was chronicled in a New York Approach History posted this morning.

And although the existence of the group (WRGfor those in the know) has been mentioned in news articles long before today’s Focus article, the story sheds new light on the way Albany works for the people of New York, even though it is often out of sight of she.

“There is no transparency in the legislative process,” Democratic state Sen. Leroy Comrie of Eastern Queens told Playbook. “Who told you there was transparency? We are in the state Legislature. “Work rules are something that has been around for decades and people who are concerned about transparency don’t focus on what is important.”

Comrie’s flippant comments may be a shock to good government, but they are also a sober analysis of the way bills become law throughout the Legislature, and not just in the state Senate.

As one member of the state Assembly points out, the legislative body, which, since COVID has relentlessly limited journalists’ access to areas outside its chamber, also makes crucial decisions with little explanation to rank-and-file members and the public.

“We don’t have a working rules committee,” Upper West Side Democrat Daniel O’Donnell told Playbook. “We have a rules committee, but, you know, it’s up to Carl to decide which bills move. Is the same.”

“How does the bill get on the Rules Committee agenda? It’s called Carl Heastie’s head,” O’Donnell said, referring to the Assembly speaker.

The Senate Working Rules Group is said to have about 10 members and is made up of high-ranking lawmakers who meet in secret to decide which bills can make it to the floor (and which die) during the last week of the session. . Lawmakers say it’s a necessary tool being used to narrow down the thousands of bills left standing as the end of the session approaches.

“You take a group of legislators, diverse by race, gender, geography and political opinion, and put them together in a room to figure things out for the benefit of everyone,” said Senate Finance Chairwoman Liz Krueger. a Manhattan Democrat. “That’s our model for anything controversial in the Senate. “I think it’s a sign of Andrea Stewart-Cousins’ fantastic leadership that this is how we work.”

Senate Majority Speaker Mike Murphy agreed and also clarified that any bill can be discussed by the full conference at any time, regardless of what happens in the WRG. The group only meets for about a week at the end of the session, he said.

Lawmakers told Playbook that bills sometimes end up in the secret pool (and even die there) without primary sponsors knowing.

“Sometimes we are informed about a bill that is being moved (to the Working Rules group), but it is not automatic,” said state Sen. Julia Salazar.

While the Focus story made the group’s existence seem sinister, most lawmakers contacted by Playbook were willing, at least grudgingly, to discuss the open secret.

Aside from Orange County State Senator James Skoufis, that is. “I’m not at liberty to talk about work rules,” Skoufis said with a smile. “However, I appreciate your stubbornness in asking.”

Skoufis is listed as one of the WRG members in Focus history. State Senator Jamaal Bailey, who is aligned with Heastie and is also listed as a member of the group, gave a similar response:

“I don’t want to have a conversation about the conversations or the inner workings,” he said. “I just think it’s a conversation for leadership. “I think it’s important for us to be able to move bills.” Jason Beeferman

New York now has Inflation Reduction Act funds designed for energy efficiency projects for low-income residents.

NEW YORK LAUNCHES ENERGY ASSISTANCE: New York is the first state to receive federal Inflation Reduction Act funding for energy efficiency projects for low-income residents. U.S. Secretary of Energy Jennifer Granholm joined Governor Kathy Hochul and Senator Chuck Schumer to highlight the new program in New York City on Thursday.

“We are making real progress, something that is tangible,” Hochul said. “We’re going to impact people’s ability to adjust, adapt and reduce their energy bills.”

The Department of Energy announced last month that the state was the first to get its application approved. under the $8.8 billion federal program aimed at helping homeowners reduce their energy costs and make their properties more energy efficient.

New York is now launching the first phase of its $158 million residential electrification and appliance rebate program and will do so through the state program EmPower+ Program, which serves homeowners and renters with incomes less than 80 percent of their area median. Homes with up to four units are eligible for the first phase, which will support the installation of air sealing, insulation, ventilation, heat pumps and other electrical upgrades. Up to $14,000 in rebates is available per household, Granholm said.

Hochul repeatedly praised President Joe Biden for supporting the program. “This president is getting the job done,” he said.

An earlier version of EmPower had limited eligibility to 60 percent of the state median income, which drew criticism for excluding many low-income residents of New York City.

Officials said today that three more states — Massachusetts, Michigan and Rhode Island — have applied to launch their own programs, bringing the total number of states that have applied for at least one of the agency-funded home energy rebate programs. law. at 17. — Marie J. French and Kelsey Tamborrino

TRUCKERS AGAINST CONGESTION PRICES: The New York Teamsters Association is suing the MTA on implementing congestion pricing, claiming the policy will unfairly target transportation and logistics companies because of the higher fares they will be charged.

Under the pricing plan, trucks would be charged $24 or $36 for each trip into the congestion zone, depending on size and time of day, while passenger vehicles would only have to pay $15.

“To be clear, as an organization, we are not fundamentally opposed to the concept of congestion pricing,” said association president Kendra Hems. during a webinar. “However, we cannot support a plan that unfairly targets an industry that has no choice but to enter the congestion zone.”

The lawsuit comes as drivers prepare for the long-awaited policy to take effect in a month and underscores ongoing opposition.

The association is not seeking a complete repeal of the plan, but is asking the MTA to “go back to the drawing board” to find an equitable solution for all riders.

Truck drivers are not free to drive in the congestion zone after hours, as the MTA suggested, because they are subject to delivery schedules. To that end, the lawsuit argues that MTA officials who are aware of truckers’ inflexible schedules are unfairly charging them higher rates.

“As any responsible company does, we deliver when our customers ask us to, which is during prime business hours. That won’t change now, but what will change as a result will be higher costs for New Yorkers,” Joe Fitzpatrick, vice president of the association’s board of directors, said in a statement. —Shawn Ness

COVID COMMISSION: State lawmakers and Hochul’s office have discussed in recent days creating a commission to investigate Covid-19 pandemic policies, four people familiar with the negotiations told Playbook.

A bill to form the commission has been stalled for several years in Albany. But it is being considered in the final days of the legislative session, when former Gov. Andrew Cuomo will testify June 11 before a Republican-led House subcommittee investigating pandemic-era policies.

Cuomo’s early handling of the pandemic made him a national star. But he soon came under fire for his administration’s policy of requiring nursing homes not to turn away Covid-positive patients, a rule his team has defended as being in broad agreement with federal health guidelines at the time. The Justice Department also declined to open a civil rights investigation into the issue.

Cuomo resigned in 2021 amid multiple allegations of sexual harassment and inappropriate behavior.

But even though the former governor has not ruled out a possible run for mayor of New York City, supporters of forming the commission insist that a state investigation is not intended to target him.

“I’ve always been very emphatic that I don’t see this bill as being intended to single out anyone,” said former Assembly Health Chairman Richard Gottfried, who helped draft the legislation. “I think what’s needed is an objective, professional analysis of what New York did right and what New York didn’t do right.”

The commission lawmakers are considering would have subpoena power and be made up of public health experts appointed by top Republican and Democratic leaders in the Legislature, as well as the governor. Nick Reisman

– PAULÍN FIGHT: Westchester Democrat Amy Paulin had a “prolonged and heated exchange” with Assemblywoman Latrice Walker during the conference. Walker worked to kill Paulin’s sex crimes bill that was drafted after Harvey Weinstein’s conviction was overturned. (Spectrum News)

— DINAPOLI TALKS ABOUT THE COMMON STATE RETIREMENT FUND: The fund is likely to beat its long-term earnings forecast when final numbers are tallied.. (The Capitol press room)

— Former state Sen. Jeffrey Klein is taking a cue from Cuomo’s playbook: Klein was accused of forcibly kissing a female employee and has since been the subject of a state ethics committee investigation. He now claims that the body does not have constitutional jurisdiction to do so. (Union of times)

Did you miss this morning’s New York Playbook? Read them here.

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