Hamas political chief Ismail Haniyeh was killed in Iran last night, the group said, dealing a major symbolic blow to its leadership at a vital moment in the conflict.
Haniyeh, a billionaire who had been living in exile in Qatar since 2019, was killed when an “airborne projectile” hit his compound in Tehran. Israel has not claimed responsibility for the attack.
As Hamas’s spokesman and intermediary on the world stage, Haniyeh described the Oct. 7 attacks as “an earthquake that struck the heart of the Zionist entity” and vowed to continue the fight to “liberate… all of our land.”
But for years, Hamas’s “general leader” had lived a life of luxury outside Gaza, drawing the ire of many Gazans who felt he had become “out of touch with reality” after rising to the top of Hamas’s political structure in his early years in power.
While decrying poverty in the besieged Gaza Strip, Haniyeh became the richest of Hamas’s leaders, shuttling between five-star hotels in Doha and Istanbul as Hamas diverted millions of dollars in international aid for military use.
Although international observers have warned that his killing risks undermining peace efforts, experts say Haniyeh was only nominally important to Gaza and that his death could be used by Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu to advance negotiations and save face.
As fears of all-out war with Lebanon mount to the north and peace talks with Hamas stall abroad, the death of Ismail Haniyeh could prove a significant – if symbolic – turning point in Israel’s war in Gaza.
Hamas chief Ismail Haniyeh pictured in Iran on Tuesday hours before his death
Haniyeh (pictured right) joined other senior Hamas officials on a private plane, undated.
Ismail Haniyeh was a key Hamas figure in Gaza and had been living in exile since 2017.
Ismail Haniyeh, whose fortune is estimated to be between $3 billion and $5 billion, had been living in Doha, Qatar, since 2019, despite his nominal role in the upper echelons of Hamas leadership.
Haniyeh had been a prominent member of the group in its early years, facing exile and imprisonment before returning to the political frontline in 2006 when Hamas displaced rival party Fatah.
As the group steered Gaza into a new era under Hamas, Haniyeh played a key role as prime minister and oversaw a 15-member Politburo responsible for setting policy.
Although still considered the group’s overall leader, the 62-year-old had taken on a secondary role in recent years, relegated to something of a figurehead.
After being appointed to Hamas’s top post in 2017, Haniyeh shuttled between Turkey and the Qatari capital Doha, escaping travel restrictions in the blockaded Gaza Strip.
This role allowed him to act as a negotiator in ceasefire talks or to speak with Hamas’s ally Iran, and as a liaison between hardline figures such as Yahya Sinwar (the Hamas leader in Gaza) and the outside world.
But many residents of the besieged Gaza Strip, including Hamas members, became disillusioned with Haniyeh as he became remote from the lives of people on the ground.
“The fact that he lived in a five-star hotel in Doha made him very unpopular with some of the Hamas figures in Gaza,” Dr Andreas Krieg, associate professor of security studies at King’s College London, told MailOnline today.
“He’s not someone the organization trusts very much, but it’s clearly a very symbolic attack.”
Haniyeh is said to be among Hamas’ top three leaders, worth more than $3 billion (three times the group’s annual turnover), according to the Israeli embassy in the United States.
Haniyeh was believed to be the richest of Hamas leaders, despite once vowing to live solely on olive oil and za’atar spice.
From Istanbul and Doha, their sons Maaz and Abdel Salam often shared photographs of themselves lounging in hotel beds.
Maaz became a wealthy property tycoon, while Abdel fell from grace after it was discovered that he was embezzling money in his role as a sports ambassador for Hamas’ Politburo, according to German tabloid Bild.
Three of Haniyeh’s children were killed in an Israeli airstrike on April 10. She also lost four of her grandchildren, three girls and a boy, in the attack, Hamas said at the time.
“I am grateful to God for the honour he has given me with the death of three of my children and some of my grandchildren,” Haniyeh said from Qatar after hearing the news of his death.
“My children received this honour. They stayed with our Palestinian people in Gaza, they did not leave or flee,” he added.
In his external role, Haniyeh had gained a reputation as a more moderate and pragmatic figure within Hamas, able to steer diplomatic talks toward a ceasefire.
But the death of a senior Hamas official may also create room for Israel to make concessions for a peace deal while saving face.
“Haniyeh has been an expendable member of Hamas, both to Hamas and to everyone else, for some time. He is not Sinwar. He is some kind of political figure,” Dr. Krieg explained.
“He has been living in Qatar for over a decade. He has lost contact with Gaza because he has not been able to return… He is someone who is expendable even for the Iranians.”
Haniyeh (center, with two of her children) lived in hotels in Turkey and Qatar after her exile.
He had taken on a role outside Gaza since rising to the top of its political leadership.
Hamas chief Ismail Haniyeh gestures as he delivers a speech on US President Donald Trump’s decision to recognize Jerusalem as Israel’s capital in 2017
Smoke rises from Khan Younis following an Israeli airstrike in Rafah on July 29.
Dr Krieg said Haniyeh was not important in the peace talks, but Netanyahu could now use his death to gain influence inside Israel and move towards a peace deal.
“The countries leading the talks have important relationships with both sides and do not need figureheads,” he said.
‘Hamas will probably not want to reward Israel with concessions at this point, but Netanyahu could use this to build a victory narrative.’
Israel vowed after the Oct. 7 attacks in which Hamas and its allies killed some 1,200 people and took 240 hostage to return captives in Gaza and defeat Hamas forever as its two stated war aims.
“What this offers is a head on a silver platter. Netanyahu can say this is the end of the organization. And that’s about as close as Israel will get to defeating Hamas.
“But that can only work if Israel now says ‘we are ready to engage in ceasefire talks.'”
Haniyeh had in fact played some role in negotiating a possible ceasefire in Gaza as the conflict nears its 11th month.
Although he was tough in his public statements, Arab diplomats and officials saw him as relatively pragmatic compared to some of the harsher voices inside Gaza.
But its operational importance for the group has been increasingly diluted.
According to Reuters, it is unclear how much Haniyeh knew about the October 7 attacks. The plan, drawn up by Hamas’s military council in Gaza, was a closely guarded secret that appeared to surprise even some officials inside the country.
Outside Gaza, Haniyeh has played a role in strengthening Hamas’ military capabilities and strengthening relations with Iran.
Displaced Palestinians leave western Khan Yunis for areas east of the city following reports of Israeli forces withdrawing on July 30
More than 39,000 Palestinians are reported to have been killed in the conflict since October.
Ahmad Abu Taha’s son Shams, 47, hugs his late father’s shoes as he cries as the dead members of the Abu Taha family are taken for burial, outside Nasser hospital in Khan Yunis, following Israel’s shelling of the southern Gaza Strip city on July 22.
Hamas, which initially gained popular support thanks to an anti-corruption campaign, is also accused of having repurposed millions of dollars in foreign aid for military purposes during the decade that Haniyeh was in power in Gaza.
Haniyeh has since been replaced by Sinwar, the leader of the groups inside the Strip.
Although Iran has vowed “revenge” for Haniyeh’s death, his killing is not expected to lead to a dramatic escalation of the regional conflict.
“The strategic calculus of all parties involved has fundamentally changed,” Dr Krieg told MailOnline.
“Not all sides want an open war. Everyone wants to maintain their reputation. No one wants to lose face. These people are replaceable.
‘All parties will find a way in this escalation of retaliation to respond in measure beyond a certain limit… all parties have been pushing for the threshold, but in all aspects have always tried not to exceed it.’
